by Marco Malaguti

It is well known that Germany is the epicenter of liberticidal laws regarding freedom of expression in relation to the dogmas of political correctness. Less well known, however, is how these laws affect the everyday lives of German citizens who, often without realizing it, violate the often newly or very recently minted regulations charged with protecting "minorities" from so-called hate crimes. Cases of real short-circuits occur particularly in the regrettable cases involving women who are, oftentimes, the first victims of uncontrolled immigration.

From security haven to widespread banlieue

Since 2016, following the "open door" policy inaugurated by Angela Merkel toward Syrian (and other) refugees arriving from the Balkan route, the situation in German cities, particularly those in the west of the country, regarding security has progressively deteriorated. The phenomenon of ethnic gangs, previously uncommon and confined to a very few difficult areas of Berlin (such as the Turkish neighborhoods of Kreuzberg and Neukölln), has spread like wildfire in the country's major cities, coming to afflict even realities once considered "provincial" such as Nuremberg, Freiburg im Breisgau, and Mannheim, and contributing in no small measure to the increase, documented by all surveys, in dissatisfaction with the federal and individual state governments, the latter being responsible for police management. These gangs, often impromptu and composed of dozens of adult males, primarily threaten women and other ethnic minorities they dislike (Kurds, Armenians, and Jews in primis) with acts ranging from simple insults to physical assault and gang rape.

The Hamburg violence

It was precisely a gang rape that was the trigger for a recent controversy, admittedly muted fairly early on in Germany and not even felt in the rest of the European Union, in regards to one of the aforementioned short-circuits. The affair, reported only by the local daily Hamburger Tagblatt and the national tabloid Bild Zeitung, involved two women from Hamburg, a city-state in the north of the country: the first, undoubtedly the most unfortunate, a 15-year-old minor whose details have not been released, was raped by a gang of nine men, eight of them "with migrant backgrounds" (a euphemism used by the German media to describe foreigners or naturalized German citizens), the second, in her 20s, for insulting one of the rape participants online, calling him a "shameful rapist pig" and a "disgusting monster," adding further insults via whatsapp after the defendant's phone number was allegedly mysteriously leaked online.

If hate speech weigh more than the rape of a minor

Woe to her, since the young German woman had not reckoned with the cultural and media climate in the Teutonic country. Duly reported to the authorities by the defendant himself, she was in fact sentenced a few days ago to a short prison term (about a week, but to be served compulsorily), which, however, is causing discussion because of one notable detail: the woman will be in prison longer than all the rapists of the 15-year-old girl. None of the eight convicted of the Hamburg rape, in fact, served a single day in prison: eight of the nine defendants were in fact juveniles at the time of the crime and were committed, for a short period and with the benefits of parole, to a juvenile rehabilitation facility while only the adult defendant, a 19-year-old Iranian national, was sentenced to two years in prison, but only for remarking before the judge that any man in his place would have acted in the same way, in fact committing apologia of a crime in an open gesture of defiance to the court.

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The case, already silenced by all German generalist media, has once again exposed the attitude, typical in Germany but not only there, of punishing the objectors of crimes more severely, especially if the perpetrators are foreigners, than the criminals themselves.

The triangle of repression

In a script already seen elsewhere in Europe, including Italy, Germany too has seen a politically correct triangulation between politicians (federal and local), the judiciary and the media materialize over the past few years. The pattern is well known: the three power centers hegemonized or almost hegemonized by progressive circles, which in Germany also include a large section of the CDU, engage in a sort of vicious circle that is self-feeding, on the one hand by incentivizing immigration, including illegal immigration, of vast swaths of Middle Eastern, North African and sub-Saharan populations and on the other by punishing, through the mallet of laws and courts, any voice of dissent. Instead, activating the mechanisms of self-censorship are provided by the mass media, hegemonized in large part by sympathizers of parties such as the Greens and Die Linke who, by promoting narratives that to call "one-way" would be an understatement, zero or nearly zero out the opportunities of many Germans, probably the majority, to express themselves on burning issues such as immigration.

Facts such as this contribute to building day by day a climate of increasing suspicion, self-censorship and repression but, as the last European elections have shown, the benefits, even for the very government that so alacrily contributes to this, seem very limited.

Marco Malaguti

Research fellow at the Machiavelli Center. A philosophy scholar, he has been working for years on the topic of the revaluation of nihilism and the great German Romantic philosophy.